Actually the most interesting dynamic in the dissident right space isn’t between nationalists and neocons, it’s between the Christians and the Nietzschean-Neoclassical-Neopaganites for who is going to dominate the counter cultural ethos of the New Right https://t.co/dm4MYLpXjB— Just Anya ? (@esotericatology) December 2, 2021
Libtard is an emerging language with its own accent too https://t.co/zQ4guguBnk— Hunter (@OccDis) December 3, 2021
What do you think of the “New Right”?
In my view, there are two distinct “New Rights.” There is the very online, demographically negligible, conservative elite version. These people range from the Catholic integralists to the Nietzschean BAPists. They are overwhelmingly college graduates from Blue states and skew toward being Jewish or Catholic in background. They are sincerely radical and have somewhat similar views to our own. You can find these people hanging out with Josh Hawley, Rachel Bovard and Josh Hammer at NatCon II.
At the other end, you have White people in rural areas, small towns and working class suburbs who are concentrated in the South and Midwest, but who can be found in varying degrees across the country. These people are also extremely radical, but skew rural, small town and Protestant. They have modest incomes and did not typically graduate from college. They have never heard of Friedrich Nietzsche or BAP or Catholic integralism. It is the same division that exists in a different form between conservative elites who tend to be Jews and Catholics and the conservative base who are Heartland Protestants.
Back in 2008, Democrats used to be much more competitive in small towns and rural areas with White working class voters who are populists on economics. Iowa and Ohio were swing states. Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania were safe Blue Wall states. Democrats under Barack Obama had a near super majority in the House and Senate in 2008. The White socially conservative, economically populist rural and small town Heartland Democrat and Independent has been vanishing and migrating into the GOP which has changed its internal demographic composition resulting in “New Right” voters who are the opposite of Reaganites on economics. “Fusionism” no longer works because the electorate changed.
The coastal shitlibs have made the Democratic brand too toxic in rural and small town America which is why you see candidates like Glenn Youngkin winning over 80% of the vote in these places now. Former Gov. Steve Bullock tried to explain this in the New York Times this morning. White people in the Heartland see this and they are like … do I want to vote for the Democrats and empower a bunch of sneering, insufferable coastal woke faggots like Elie Mystal or vote for the GOP to own these people?
The Democrats have a branding problem:
Such is how we got to this place in American politics.
“Conservatism in 2021 means radicalism,” announced Nate Hochman, a 23-year-old writer at National Review. Describing the posture of his political milieu, Hochman spoke with urgency and without pretense, less eager to impress than to be understood. “We have to think of ourselves as counterrevolutionaries or restorationists who are overthrowing the regime.” He doesn’t mean by violence, necessarily. “But … there’s not a lot left to conserve in the contemporary state of things. There are things that need to be destroyed and rebuilt.”
If you’re scandalized by the language of “counterrevolution” or surprised to hear a conservative talk about “destroying” things and “overthrowing” regimes, you probably haven’t spent much time around right-wing college grads of late. Which makes sense. As a matter of demography, they’re exceedingly hard to find. “Young, highly educated people, as a group, are now overwhelmingly Democratic to an extent that’s literally never been seen before, probably ever in history,” explained David Shor, the progressive pollster and statistician. The well-known liberal biases of millennials have held for Generation Z, and education polarization continues apace. We’ve become accustomed to thinking about the distorting effect these factors have on Democratic campaigns and NGOs, which are dominated by young activists with beliefs well to the left of the median Democrat. But the same forces are shaping the right’s leading lights. Given the high statistical likelihood that a young person who went to college is a Democrat, those college grads who are not liberal—the hardheaded holdouts who buck the trend—tend to be, well, as Shor put it, “really very weird.”
And because the right is not exempt from the iron laws governing left-wing nonprofits, highly educated elites tend to run Republican institutions, too. Hochman—who graduated from Colorado College earlier this year—may be a statistical unicorn, but young people who share his attitudes are common on the mastheads of conservative magazines, as well as among conservative activists, Capitol Hill staffers, and lower-tier alumni of the Trump administration. Which is to say, don’t be surprised if we begin hearing a lot more about “counterrevolution” from GOP officeholders. …”
The reality is that the demographic core of the Republican Party is not what it was when Barack Obama became president and that it no longer really has a governing philosophy and is just the vessel of backlash politics. The purpose of the GOP is to own the libs in the culture war.
What are these people clamoring for? What do they want? I think we can safely rule out Catholic integralism, Apollonian global imperialism and Nietzschean vitalism. We can rule out Reaganism too. None of this really matters anyway because Trump and lib owning will suffice for now.