Daily Mail: Is This The End of the White Man In Africa?

The Daily Mail has a story on the plight of White farmers in Kenya:

“Just a few years back, Kenya’s Laikipia plateau was paradise.

Many times my wife and I have ridden out on horseback at sunrise among elephants and giraffe, buck, warthog and the occasional leopard, marvelling that such wild beauty still exists on earth.

No longer, however.

For many months now, Laikipia’s cattle farms and game ranches, many of them white-owned, have been invaded and overrun by armed tribesmen brandishing automatic rifles, burning buildings and terrorising owners as they claim grazing rights for their own cattle.

On Sunday, this scourge reached a new climax: the famous safari guide, farmer and former British Army officer, Tristan Voorspuy, was shot out of his saddle and killed as he inspected lodges on his estate that had been torched in an arson attack. …

The Laikipia plateau is home to a band of mostly white farmers, left in possession of their land by successive Kenyan governments because it is relatively poor in quality. They ranch cattle, and, until recently, harboured a wonderful array of wild animals.

Fenced conservancies such as Mugie, Borana and Lewa, where Prince William and Prince Harry often stay, provide havens for rare species including Grevy’s zebra, white rhino and, above all, black rhino, which live under armed guard.

But wire and wardens are no protection against the recent mass invasions by nomads hell-bent on seizing pasturage, indifferent to life or property, least of all that which is owned by whites …

The game, glory of East Africa and jewel of the tourist industry, is being massacred for food, ivory and rhino horn. And the plains where such visitors as ourselves gazed upon a wealth of great animals, are today almost barren. …”

What is happening in Kenya follows the grim pattern set in Zimbabwe by the monstrous Robert Mugabe, 93-year-old tyrant and mass murderer. Mugabe’s regime has evicted the white farming community and allowed a wilderness to replace some of the richest agriculture in Africa.

Now in South Africa, President Jacob Zuma is threatening the same policy, seeking to assuage the demands of an exploding population by appeasing land-grabbers, and appearing indifferent to the increasingly frequent murders of white landowners. …”

I’ve often wondered why people say non-White immigrants can never return to their homelands. If millions of Europeans can be driven out of Africa (Algeria, Congo, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Angola, South Africa), why can’t millions of Africans return to their own ancestral homelands?

Note: Kenya belongs in the category of African success stories touted by the Lügenpresse. These include Côte d’Ivoire, South Africa and Rwanda which have all proven skeptics right.

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    • No, one severe winter without EBT cards would be the end of the black man in North America, once they run out of unarmed white liberals to eat.

      • It all depends on whether the White man is willing to shoot and kill the black man as he would a wild beast. All indications are that he is NOT. And so it continues.

        • “NOT” is an indicator that will evaporate in an instant once the US government goes broke. That is written.

  1. One of my best friends comes from a well-known English family in Kenya. Born and educated there. Tons of stories.

    Beautiful country. Its major hurdles seem to be over-population, health issues, and security problems with neighboring states.

  2. There are 1.2 billion people in Africa, only around 4 million are white. And like all the other places with whites, the birth rates are low, they have zero political power and have increasingly hostile forces attacking on every front, the end is near. The end of the white man in Africa is not the main problem though (I do not say this lightly as I am in South Africa), the headline should be asking “Is this the end of the white man ?”.

  3. And the plains where visitors such as ourselves gazed upon a wealth of great animals, are today almost barren…

    I’ve heard that a project led by George Church has already created mammoth cells. In a few years, they’ll have probably created a living mammoth.

    Imagine a world, a decade from now, in which extinct animals are brought back to life in Siberia while Africa’s living megafauna die out.

  4. We can either have beautiful wild creatures like giraffes, tigers and elephants around or we can have more niggers. But we can’t have both.

  5. Why? Because they do not want High IQed people who are racial aware coming back to their homelands. Our hostile elites want slaves, not free men.

  6. Simply withdraw all First Worlders from Africa. Let nature take it’s course. The survivors will revert back to their stone age, tribal ways.

  7. How trip to North Korea devastated Zim

    By Rob Attwell, New Zimbabwe News, July 19, 2016

    IN 1980, Robert Mugabe visited Pyongyang, the capital of North Korea. The trip had a profound effect on him and, in the words of one of his aides, he returned to Harare “a different man”.

    What Mugabe admired most was Kim Il Sung’s absolute power and the apparent adoration of North Korean people for the “eternal president”.

    Mugabe has often spoken of his admiration for North Korea’s Juche ideology, which stresses national self-reliance and Korean ethnic purity. He has compelled government ministers to read collections of Kim’s speeches. In addition, as noted by historian Benjamin R Young, Mugabe’s birthday celebrations are strikingly similar to Kim’s. They are characterised by marching, giant paintings of the president and dancing children.

    Zimbabwe is in a crisis. Decades of economic mismanagement and systematic corruption by a self-aggrandising political elite, combined with economic sanctions, have resulted in financial collapse. Inspired by pastor Evan Mawarire and the “ThisFlag” hashtag, protesters are demanding change.

    Is there a connection between the Zimbabwean crisis and Mugabe’s admiration of North Korea’s Kim dynasty? I believe there is.

    It is interesting to note similarities between Harare and Pyongyang. Both are isolated internationally by sanctions, have insecure food supplies, hate the West with a passion. Both are tacitly supported by their larger neighbours, China and SA, because of a mixture of historical affinity and concerns over the destabilising effects of regime collapse, such as the potential for an influx of refugees. Most critically, both are ruled by political elites concerned first and foremost with regime survival and access to wealth and power. For both, the wellbeing of the populace is of secondary importance.

    Ties between Pyongyang and the current Zimbabwean elite date back to the Cold War. Zimbabwe was still Rhodesia and, like apartheid SA, was ruled by a white minority government. There were two factions fighting to overthrow Ian Smith’s racist regime: Zapu and Zanu. The former was supported by the Soviet Union and led by Joshua Nkomo, who would become Mugabe’s main political rival after liberation. The latter was supported by China and North Korea.

    Ideological differences regarding the issue of personality cults were central to Soviet and Chinese and North Korean support for rival liberation movements. In 1956, Nikita Khrushchev criticised Josef Stalin’s cult of personality and the atrocities he committed. For Beijing and Pyongyang, this was a troubling development as Mao Zedong and Kim Il Sung legitimised their rule via propaganda inspired by personality cults. They worried that their rivals would use Khrushchev’s criticism of Stalin to lobby for domestic reform and thereby undermine their rule. In addition, Kim supported African liberation movements in the hope of winning votes at the UN to delegitimise South Korea and remove US troops from the Korean Peninsula.

    After liberation, power was split between Mugabe and Nkomo, but Mugabe desired absolute power like his North Korean friends.

    North Koreans trained the infamous 5th Brigade, the military unit responsible for the Matabeleland massacre that helped Mugabe consolidate his power and drive Nkomo into exile.

    The Harare-Pyongyang special relationship continued after the end of the Cold War, albeit not to the same degree. Their shared pariah status ties them together. Some of their intermitted contacts are concerning. In 2013, Harare sold yellowcake uranium to Pyongyang in support of North Korea’s nuclear programme. Mugabe offered to stock a Pyongyang zoo with exotic animals including two elephants. The deal was ultimately cancelled.

    In Harare and Pyongyang, the desire for absolute rule and centralised control by a megalomaniacal political elite has caused isolation and financial ruin. — Business Day

    Attwell is a Chevening scholar studying East Asian international relations at the University of Edinburgh

    Zimbabwean Fifth Brigade

    Active: August 1981 – 1988; 2006 – present

    The Fifth Brigade was a formation of Zimbabwean soldiers. The Fifth Brigade was formed in 1981 and disbanded in 1988 amid allegations of brutality and murder during the Brigade’s occupation of Matabeleland. It was reformed later and was active until at least 2006.[

    In October 1980, Prime Minister Robert Mugabe signed an agreement with the North Korean President, Kim Il Sung, that they would train and equip a brigade for the Zimbabwe National Army (ZANLA). In August 1981, 106 North Koreans arrived to train the new brigade.

    The members of the Fifth Brigade were drawn from 3500 ex-ZANLA troops, including two unintegrated ZANLA battalions, at Tongogara Assembly Point.

    Between 1983 and 1987 the Fifth Brigade brutally crushed any resistance in Matabeleland and many atrocities were committed. Over 10,000 civilians died and were buried in mass graves.

    Most of the dead were shot in public executions, often after being forced to dig their own graves in front of family and fellow villagers. The largest number of dead in a single killing was on 5 March 1983, when 62 young men and women were shot on the banks of the Cewale River, Lupane. Seven survived with gunshot wounds, the other 55 died. Another way 5 Brigade used to kill large groups of people was to burn them alive in huts. They did this in Tsholotsho and also in Lupane. They would routinely round up dozens, or even hundreds, of civilians and march them at gun point to a central place, like a school or bore-hole. There they would be forced to sing Shona songs praising ZANU, at the same time being beaten with sticks. These gatherings usually ended with public executions. Those killed could be ex-ZIPRAs, ZAPU officials, or anybody chosen at random. The Zimbabwe government repudiated these allegations and accused the hostile foreign press of fabricating stories. The government characterised such allegations as irresponsible, contrived propaganda because it failed to give proper weight to the violence by dissidents.

    The dissidents targeted ZANU officials. It is estimated that 700–800 people were murdered by dissident gangs in rural regions. In August 1985, dissidents massacred 22 Shona civilians in Mwenezi. On a mission farm in Matobo, dissidents massacred 16 people.

    Mugabe turns Zim into North Korea

    By Boyd Madikila, New Zimbabwe News, February 20, 2016

    Zanu PF and its parent party Zapu played a central and determinant role in the liberation struggle and the subsequent birth of a new nation they proudly renamed Zimbabwe. What is intriguingly astounding however is how a national project to liberate a nation has deteriorated into a selfish fight to establish a political dynasty devoid of any semblance to the nationalist ideals of the founding fathers like Joshua Nkomo, Hebert Chitepo, Magamba Tongogara, Ndabaningi Sithole and others?

    How did the struggle for Zimbabwe deteriorate into a narcissist scuffle to create a Mugabe hegemony? It is my contention in this piece that the writing has always been on the wall that the revolution would culminate into nothing but a personal project.

    The divided Patriots.

    In 1980, after executing what is perhaps the most successful liberation struggle in Southern Africa, Zanu and Zapu, decided to go into the first one-man one-vote plebiscite as separate parties, dangerously divided on tribal fault lines. Tellingly, both parties claimed to be a Patriotic Front as revealed by their desperate clinging on to the PF prefix but the ideals of how to build a patriotic nationhood were at that early stage already sacrificed to a perilous political game of power and control.

    The first majority vote became a winner-take-all lottery and the winner was quick to claim his spoils and vanquish the losers, and with that, the project to build a successful nation together got lost to political ambition and greed. Salisbury became Harare and Harare became ‘’bambazonke’’, take all or take everything.

    Bulawayo, then an industrial hub, slowly crumbled from a City of Kings to a thirsty ghost town. Today, every main street in every city and town is now a Robert Mugabe way, epitomizing how a project to build a nation has been reduced to a selfish and narcissist endeavor that is aptly encapsulated in the slogan ‘VaMugabe Chete!’

    From Rhodesia to Mugabeland

    Zimbabwe was once named as if it belongs to an individual. Today Zimbabwe is run as if it belongs to a single family. Rhodesia, was Cecil John Rhodes’s personal Island in the sun that President Julius Nyerere famously called the “Jewel of Africa’’. Indeed, Rhodes did as he pleased with his Island.

    Fortunately for his kith and kin, Rhodes did not plunder his Island into destitution but he built it and developed into the foremost economy in Africa, the jewel of Africa- where by 1980, its currency, the Rhodesian Pound was one and half times stronger than the mighty USD. All this development happened in spite of the UDI triggered sanctions and fittingly every year, Rhodes’ kith and kin celebrated his legacy on Founders Day, with bountiful meals and happy jubilees.

    In 1980, we shed off the Rhodes burden and renamed our new nation Zimbabwe. However, we did not exorcise the curse of subjecting our nation to control by an individual. Instead of creating a Constitution on ideals of nationhood, we created a Constitution that concentrated power on an individual, one Robert Mugabe. Every amendment done to the Zimbabwe Constitution did not seek to empower citizens and build a successful nation, but sought to entrench Mugabe’s power, the power that has held strong for 36 years and still counting; the power that he is surreptitiously transferring to his wife Grace Mugabe.

    Jabulani Sibanda opined that political power cannot be sexually transmitted but Mugabe’s power is so fully blown that it is increasingly becoming transmittable to his family. Like Rhodes’s kith and kin, we celebrate 21st February like our Founders Day, yet it is an individual citizen’s date of birth. Except our celebrations are on empty stomachs! Zimbabwe today is an adulterated sovereignty, a begging basket case, with no currency of its own and no economy to sustain it. The only constant holding strong is Mugabe’s absolute power. And power corrupts absolutely ‘’until God says come!!’’

    Mugabe’s Political Blueprint.

    But Zimbabweans should have seen this political tsunami coming. In 1980 when Mugabe invited North Korean architects and engineers to build that grandiose obelisk we now call the Heroes Acre, it was not just an expression of his admiration of North Korean ingenuity, but an open admiration for North Korean politics. The Heroes Acre is Mugabe’s political pyramidion, straight out of Pyongyang, a phallic symbol of his power and dominance. Today our brave sons and daughters of the liberation struggle, the founding fathers and mothers of our struggle lie embalmed and encased in North Korean grandeur.

    To further demonstrate his affinity to everything North Korean, when he faced his first political waterloo – the dissidents, in his early years as Prime Minister, Mugabe again turned to the North Koreans for political advice and direction. He unleashed the North Korean-trained 5th Brigade on Matebeleland and the Midlands leading to his ‘’moment of madness’’ we now know as the Gukurahundi genocide.

    Yours truly, the writer of this article was an early primary school pupil at George Silundika Primary School in the early 80s, then called J.Z. Moyo School, located at Mbongolo Farm in Nyamandlovu. My kindergarten memory is awash with nightmarish images and silhouettes of many bodies of dead people that could be seen strewn about and putrefying for many days between Nyamandlovu and Mbongolo Farm on the road to Tsholotsho.

    I remember vividly one early morning in 1982, at the break of dawn when the fearsome red barrettes surrounded our school, frog-marching every student, teacher and grounds staff to the school assembly for interrogation. There were beatings, kicks and public floggings. We were forced to sing praises to Robert Mugabe and Zanu in shona yet our political affiliation was Zapu, our political leader was exclusively Joshua Nkomo whom we loved dearly and we spoke Ndebele.

    Our Headmaster, a Mr. Mtobi was thoroughly beaten in the presence of his pupils. He was beaten until his shirt was torn to shreds and the red berets gave him a pick and shovel, and dragged him into the thick Mopani forest that surrounded the school. They said he was going to dig his own grave and bury himself! I thought we would never see him again but luckily he came back after a few weeks walking with a visible limp, looking frail, drained and emaciated- a pale shadow of himself.

    Our school was not a military camp; we were not soldiers but refugees who came exclusively from Zapu Refugee Camps in Zambia. The only military thing present at the school were murals of graffiti depicting Zipra combatants that covered the outside and inside walls of our school library. Yes, we supported Zapu and revered Joshua Nkomo as our leader but we were not soldiers. Zapu had bought Mbongolo Farm to start a school for the returning refugees and ex-combatants who were still young enough to attend school. We built the school with our own hands.

    Inspired by the Zimbabwe Foundation for Education with Production (ZIMFEP), we attended classes in some old Farm buildings, some classes were attended in the open under Mopani tree shades, until we built our own school blocks. We planted our own food to supplement various donations we received from UNESCO and generous Scandinavian countries such as Denmark and Sweden. We raised our own chickens, pigs and cattle. We were not soldiers; just pupils thirsty for education not war.

    But despite all the evidence to the contrary, the North Korean trained 5th Brigade did not spare us, frequently visiting at night, at the break of dawn and even disrupting our school assemblies. Military helicopters supported by mean and ugly looking camouflaged ground soldiers painted with black ash on their faces, clutching AK47s and Light Machine Guns (LMGs) tipped with sharp bayonet swords, and donning their distinctive red berets were frequent uninvited visitors.

    Interrogations, beatings, intimidations and the constant threat of death became daily routines. After that many of our senior students and teachers started to disappear, some escaped to South Africa, others were probably killed. I even lost my best friend, one Makheyi Nyathi, who left school in 1983 never to be seen again. But I digress, only to illustrate Mugabe’s political orientation towards North Korea style politics.

    Let it be done in Zimbabwe as it is done in North Korea

    Today receding images from my political rear view mirror reveal striking parallels between Zimbabwe and North Korea that point to a predictable future. In 1980 Mugabe stated his desire that Zimbabwe, just like North Korea, must be a one-party state. While other nationalists like Joshua Nkomo and Edgar Tekere, opposed him on this issue, one party state remained Mugabe’s desired political ambition. Perhaps his only unfulfilled North Korean dream. Just like in his beloved North Korea, there is no doubt that Mugabe desired to make the country a one-party state.

    The similarities go further to include the dubious flirtation with Marxism and Communism, the numerous disappearances of citizens who are deemed opposed to the political authority, rampant mass starvation and famine due to the double jeopardy of mismanagement and sanctions and the heavy militarization of state organs.

    What is more telling however is the striking similarities in the killing, assassination or mysterious deaths of senior Army Generals in Zimbabwe under Mugabe and in North Korea under Kim Jong Un. Josiah Magamba Tongogara, Captain Nleya, Brigadier General Paul Gunda, Moven Mahachi, Chris Ushehokunze, Sydney Malunga, Border Gezi, Elliot Manyika and recently the respected 5 star General Mujuru are part of a long list of senior Army and Party leaders that have been eliminated North Korea style.

    These deaths are similar to North Korea’s assassination of senior Army Generals like General Pyong In Jon, General Hyon Yong Chol and General Ri Yong Gil who was recently reported to have been literally blown to mince-pieces by a Surface to Air missile.

    It is not rocket science to analyze that Mugabe has been taking lessons on how to eliminate, control and dominate his political foes from North Korea. Just like the Heroes Acre and the 5th Brigade, Mugabe’s current political stratagem is a direct import from North Korea. Now wobbling in his political twilight and facing a vicious factional fault line in the Zanu PF party, Mugabe has again turned to North Korea to find inspiration and guidance on who should succeed him. He obviously admired how political power has crystalized in the Kim Dynasty from the patriarchal pedestal of Kim II Sung to his son Kim Jong Il and now to the controversial grand-son Kim Jung Un. Political power has stayed in the family.

    With Grace Mugabe inexplicably rising to the top of the Zanu PF hierarchy such that she now leads the Women’s League, directs the Politburo and controls the Presidency, I am tempted to imagine Mugabe salivating at the prospects of a Mugabe dynasty that will rule Zimbabwe till the donkeys grow horns. Just like the Kim Jong Un rule in North Korea, history instructs Zimbabweans to get ready for H.E CDE Chatunga Mugabe. That is Mugabe’s succession blue print, as it is done in his beloved North Korea, so shall it be in Mugabeland!

    Boyd Madikila writes from East London, South Africa.

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