Abortion is a practice.
Ronald Brownstein gets it.
The abortion issue is really just a proxy of a much deeper cultural divide. The “pro-choice” crowd supports abortion for the same reason it supports atheism and “trans” and “gay marriage” and miscegenation and feminism and divorce and cosmopolitanism and illegal immigration and antiracism and interracial marriage and homosexuality and drug abuse and sex work, and so on, and so on. The same people hold all of these beliefs and support all of these causes due to their bohemian left-libertarian values. Whether it is the practice of abortion or contracting a gay marriage or supporting an amnesty for illegal aliens, it is all merely an extension of your progressive values and worldview which elevates self-expression.
“The draft Supreme Court opinion overturning the constitutional right to abortion presents a major setback for reproductive freedom in America and offers a potential jolt to the upcoming midterm elections. But it also illuminates another, deeper phenomenon in American politics: the urgency and ambition of the Republican drive to lock into law the cultural priorities of its preponderantly white, Christian, and older electoral coalition at a moment of rapid demographic change.
The fundamental divide in our politics today is between those voters and places most comfortable with the demographic and cultural changes remaking 21st-century America and those most hostile to them—what I’ve called the Democratic “coalition of transformation” and the Republican “coalition of restoration.” A decision overturning Roe v. Wade—especially on the sweeping grounds in Justice Samuel Alito’s draft opinion that was leaked to Politico—would sharpen the confrontation between these two coalitions. …
Since the 1990s—and especially since the elections of Barack Obama and Trump—Democrats and Republicans have more consistently sorted based on their attitudes about the underlying changes reshaping America. Democrats have assembled a coalition of the voters most comfortable with those changes: young adults, people of color, secular and college-educated white voters, and residents of the largest metropolitan areas. Republicans have consolidated their hold on the voters most uneasy with those changes: older, non-college-educated, non-urban, and religiously devout Christian white voters, especially evangelical Protestants but also culturally conservative Hispanics. (In 2020, despite Trump’s gains with Hispanic voters and slight inroads with Black voters, 85 percent of his votes still came from white Americans.) In one revealing measure of that divide, PRRI results over the past two years show that while the Democratic electorate can now divide roughly in thirds among white Christians, nonwhite Christians, and secular adults, white Christians still account for about seven in 10 Republicans—a level last seen in American society overall in the early 1990s.
In each of those coalitions, attitudes about abortion are highly correlated with views about the other fundamental changes remaking 21st-century American life. “We think that abortion views are about life and when life begins and about the treatment of the unborn and all of that,” Undem told me. “What is less talked about is that beliefs about abortion are very linked to your beliefs about women and gender and power.”
In Undem’s polling, Americans who want to make abortion illegal in all or most cases consistently express much more skepticism than abortion-rights supporters about changing gender roles. She has found, for instance, that more than three-fourths of abortion-rights opponents say most women interpret “innocent remarks or acts as being sexist.” (Only about two-fifths of abortion-rights supporters agree.) Those who want to ban abortion are far less likely than those who support its legal status to believe that the United States would be “better off” if more women held political office; to express positive views toward the #MeToo movement; or to agree that “systems in society were set up to give men more opportunities than women.” Most anti-abortion women agree with those propositions as well.
This abortion-linked divide extends through other dimensions. In Undem’s polling, more than four-fifths of abortion-rights opponents believe discrimination against white Americans is now as big a problem as bias against minorities. Likewise, 2021 PRRI polling found that abortion-rights opponents are far more likely than supporters to say that the growing number of immigrants in this country threatens American society. And though nearly three-fifths of abortion-rights opponents agreed that “things have changed so much that I often feel like a stranger in my own country,” more than two-thirds of abortion-rights supporters disagreed. …”
You are really, really weird.
Maybe not in the West where your kind haunts urban coastal areas, college towns, liberal arts departments, Starbuck’s and Target, but certainly on a global scale.
You rank extremely high on secular, self-expression values.